Social Life

Courtyard scenes and activity

The courtyard is the open area in front of the house. This is where nearly all the daily activities take place.

Bamuni, Bamiya Champia’s grandson, has been put to rest on a cot in the courtyard. In front of it, on the ground, they have been weaving a rush screen. This is a typical courtyard scene.
Bamuni, Bamiya Champia’s grandson, has been put to rest on a cot in the courtyard. In front of it, on the ground, they have been weaving a rush screen. This is a typical courtyard scene.
Bamiya Champia in his courtyard twining some new rope, while Chipiri, the daughter of his second wife Palo, looks on.
Bamiya Champia in his courtyard twining some new rope, while Chipiri, the daughter of his second wife Palo, looks on.
The courtyard of a Champia house. Chickpea straw being stored as cattle fodder. Bhagun's daughter winnows the chickpeas. Judu, his baby son looks on. Chipiri, the daughter of Bamiya’s second wife, Menjo, looks on, watching over Besera, the youngest son of Sukuram. Typically the extended family is working together.
The courtyard of a Champia house. Chickpea straw being stored as cattle fodder. Bhagun's daughter winnows the chickpeas. Judu, his baby son looks on. Chipiri, the daughter of Bamiya’s second wife, Menjo, looks on, watching over Besera, the youngest son of Sukuram. Typically the extended family is working together.
Courtyards are the smoothed area in front of the house where most of the family’s activity takes place. The indoor rooms are mainly for sleeping and storage with the ‘ading’ or kitchen room, which contains the sacred family rice cooking pot, where the ancestral spirits reside, is totally private.
Courtyards are the smoothed area in front of the house where most of the family’s activity takes place. The indoor rooms are mainly for sleeping and storage with the ‘ading’ or kitchen room, which contains the sacred family rice cooking pot, where the ancestral spirits reside, is totally private.
In the courtyard of Sukuram Champia’s house (our neighbour), Pelon, the mother, dries the crop of chickpeas, while her brother-in-law’s daughter winnows and cleans the recently harvested chickpeas. Pigs scavenge in the straw.
In the courtyard of Sukuram Champia’s house (our neighbour), Pelon, the mother, dries the crop of chickpeas, while her brother-in-law’s daughter winnows and cleans the recently harvested chickpeas. Pigs scavenge in the straw.
A woman and child husking maize.
A woman and child husking maize.
The whole family gathers around a fire to warm up on a chilly morning in front of their concrete house near the town of Chaibasa.
The whole family gathers around a fire to warm up on a chilly morning in front of their concrete house near the town of Chaibasa.
Children seated in their courtyard warming up round a fire in a chilly winter morning, while cleaning their teeth with the frayed end of a mildly antiseptic tamarind twig.
Children seated in their courtyard warming up round a fire in a chilly winter morning, while cleaning their teeth with the frayed end of a mildly antiseptic tamarind twig.
While the man of the house lazes around smoking a ‘bidi’ cheroot, his wife sweeps up the courtyard rubbish into a winnowing fan.
While the man of the house lazes around smoking a ‘bidi’ cheroot, his wife sweeps up the courtyard rubbish into a winnowing fan.
A Dubil miner recovering in his courtyard after a day working in the Chiria iron ore mine. Around him are his wife and three daughters.
A Dubil miner recovering in his courtyard after a day working in the Chiria iron ore mine. Around him are his wife and three daughters.
The women of the house doing the washing up in their courtyard after the daily meal.
The women of the house doing the washing up in their courtyard after the daily meal.
While the woman of the house scares away chickens from eating her rice, that is drying in the sun on her courtyard, her young daughter stands idly by on the ‘pindigi’, verandah
While the woman of the house scares away chickens from eating her rice, that is drying in the sun on her courtyard, her young daughter stands idly by on the ‘pindigi’, verandah
A typical courtyard scene with a cot, broken pots, stacks of firewood and fish traps hanging from a pole.
A typical courtyard scene with a cot, broken pots, stacks of firewood and fish traps hanging from a pole.
The woman of the house takes a break from her endless round of work in her courtyard. She still holds a winnowing fan in her hand.
The woman of the house takes a break from her endless round of work in her courtyard. She still holds a winnowing fan in her hand.
A three pointed post makes a useful pot stand and two posts are used for tethering cattle in a household courtyard.
A three pointed post makes a useful pot stand and two posts are used for tethering cattle in a household courtyard.
The women of the family watch over the drying grain on their courtyard as goats, chickens and doves try to eat it.
The women of the family watch over the drying grain on their courtyard as goats, chickens and doves try to eat it.
A woman tamps down the floor of their courtyard. This makes it smooth and hard enough to put up with the endless passage of feet during the day.
A woman tamps down the floor of their courtyard. This makes it smooth and hard enough to put up with the endless passage of feet during the day.
Gurbari Champia is re-mudding the outside wall of the family house. This not only means it looks good, but also it seals the cracks where insects live.
Gurbari Champia is re-mudding the outside wall of the family house. This not only means it looks good, but also it seals the cracks where insects live.
On our first morning in Dubil, after waking up, we all sat around Bamiya Manki's courtyard talking to him, his sons Dule and Mongol, his daughters Gurbari and Chipiri and grandchildren, huddled up in the morning chill.
On our first morning in Dubil, after waking up, we all sat around Bamiya Manki's courtyard talking to him, his sons Dule and Mongol, his daughters Gurbari and Chipiri and grandchildren, huddled up in the morning chill.
A courtyard is always a good place to sit, talk and do anthropological fieldwork. Here Salome Herenz, my interpreter, is sat with Kaera Champia, his wife, daughter, grandchild, and Sukuram Champia, discussing kinship terminology.
A courtyard is always a good place to sit, talk and do anthropological fieldwork. Here Salome Herenz, my interpreter, is sat with Kaera Champia, his wife, daughter, grandchild, and Sukuram Champia, discussing kinship terminology.
Kaera Champia’s daughter and granddaughter peacefully seated in their courtyard stripping the fibres out of some pumpkin leaf stems for the evening meal.
Kaera Champia’s daughter and granddaughter peacefully seated in their courtyard stripping the fibres out of some pumpkin leaf stems for the evening meal.
Kaera Champia’s wife sorting out some vegetables in her winnowing fan for the evening meal in her courtyard.
Kaera Champia’s wife sorting out some vegetables in her winnowing fan for the evening meal in her courtyard.
After a hard day reaping rice, that is stooked behind him, this man takes a rest in his courtyard under the shade of an umbrella to catch the coolness of the summer breeze.
After a hard day reaping rice, that is stooked behind him, this man takes a rest in his courtyard under the shade of an umbrella to catch the coolness of the summer breeze.
A family taking a rest together in the warm sun of their courtyard.
A family taking a rest together in the warm sun of their courtyard.
The village elders gathered together in the headman, Jintu Champia’s courtyard, measuring out the annual ‘malgusari’ offering of grain to their traditional overlord, the Raja of Manoharpur. Jintu is Dubil's headman, 'Munda'.
The village elders gathered together in the headman, Jintu Champia’s courtyard, measuring out the annual ‘malgusari’ offering of grain to their traditional overlord, the Raja of Manoharpur. Jintu is Dubil's headman, 'Munda'.
A mother and her children sitting in the shade on their verandah, 'pindigi', overlooking their courtyard that is hot in the sun.
A mother and her children sitting in the shade on their verandah, 'pindigi', overlooking their courtyard that is hot in the sun.
Pelon Champia, wife of Sukuram and her five sons in their courtyard, peeling hairy head tubers, 'hereatn bo' that they have collected in the forest for their dinner that night, while she suckles her youngest, Besera.
Pelon Champia, wife of Sukuram and her five sons in their courtyard, peeling hairy head tubers, 'hereatn bo' that they have collected in the forest for their dinner that night, while she suckles her youngest, Besera.
For the anthropologist courtyards are where I do most of my work. Here I am recording Sukuram and Mongol Champia, talking about their religious beliefs and and mythical stories that underpin their culture.
For the anthropologist courtyards are where I do most of my work. Here I am recording Sukuram and Mongol Champia, talking about their religious beliefs and and mythical stories that underpin their culture.
A mother stands in front of her house in Latar Toli, Dubil. Her son chops a log into kindling for her to cook the evening meal.
A mother stands in front of her house in Latar Toli, Dubil. Her son chops a log into kindling for her to cook the evening meal.
Chumbru Champia pouring rice beer into his mother’s bowl in their courtyard. She has made the rice beer. He has drunk some and now he is returning the honour by offering her some for her hard work. Her husband, Bamiya, looks on satisfied by his son’s good manners.
Chumbru Champia pouring rice beer into his mother’s bowl in their courtyard. She has made the rice beer. He has drunk some and now he is returning the honour by offering her some for her hard work. Her husband, Bamiya, looks on satisfied by his son’s good manners.
Pelon Champia, wife of Sukuram, in her courtyard, pestling rice in a mortar, set in the ground. Palo, her brother-in-law’s daughter, winnows the rice to remove the chaff. Two of her sons look on and scare away the ever hungry scavenging chickens.
Pelon Champia, wife of Sukuram, in her courtyard, pestling rice in a mortar, set in the ground. Palo, her brother-in-law’s daughter, winnows the rice to remove the chaff. Two of her sons look on and scare away the ever hungry scavenging chickens.
In the back of Ho houses is a store room with a raised wooden platform, ‘tantara’, where bundles of harvested rice, millet, and chana, are kept out of reach of animals and wildlife, like rats. Here it is on the right. Also they will keep other things like grain pestles, spare pots, rice beer sieves, mattocks, a school slate, peacock feathers, brushes, a ‘poila’ volumetric bowl, and useful implements.
In the back of Ho houses is a store room with a raised wooden platform, ‘tantara’, where bundles of harvested rice, millet, and chana, are kept out of reach of animals and wildlife, like rats. Here it is on the right. Also they will keep other things like grain pestles, spare pots, rice beer sieves, mattocks, a school slate, peacock feathers, brushes, a ‘poila’ volumetric bowl, and useful implements.
On the raised wooden platform, ‘tantara’, bundles of rice and grains are kept, out of reach of scavenging animals and wildlife, like rats. There is also a small basket of lac resin, waiting to be used as incense, or to be sold to dealers at the weekly market. There is also a mattock for digging the earth.
On the raised wooden platform, ‘tantara’, bundles of rice and grains are kept, out of reach of scavenging animals and wildlife, like rats. There is also a small basket of lac resin, waiting to be used as incense, or to be sold to dealers at the weekly market. There is also a mattock for digging the earth.
In the back of Ho houses there is a store room where they keep bundles of valuable objects. Here are some seed heads of wild ‘jawaar’ millet and bundles of peanuts, waiting to be sown next year.
In the back of Ho houses there is a store room where they keep bundles of valuable objects. Here are some seed heads of wild ‘jawaar’ millet and bundles of peanuts, waiting to be sown next year.
The living room of a one room house has a narrow raised portion, on the left. It contains two small fireplaces, called the ‘ading’. This is where the family's ancestral spirits reside. It is the most sacred part of the house that people of a different clan are not allowed to look at. On the right is a enclosure where the chickens spend the night. In the walls are niches for wick night lamps. This is the main room of the house that we lived in. I would not have been allowed to photograph an ‘ading’ in another house.
The living room of a one room house has a narrow raised portion, on the left. It contains two small fireplaces, called the ‘ading’. This is where the family's ancestral spirits reside. It is the most sacred part of the house that people of a different clan are not allowed to look at. On the right is a enclosure where the chickens spend the night. In the walls are niches for wick night lamps. This is the main room of the house that we lived in. I would not have been allowed to photograph an ‘ading’ in another house.
Looking out of our door into the shared courtyard between our house and Sukuram Champia’s. The threshold of the front door is where the protective spirits, 'bongas', reside.
Looking out of our door into the shared courtyard between our house and Sukuram Champia’s. The threshold of the front door is where the protective spirits, 'bongas', reside.
The outer room of Bamiya Champia’s house is a walled in verandah. Here three cots are up-ended on which the children sleep. There is also mortar for pestling grain. Bamiya’s two wives are busy pestling and winnowing grain. Here hang hunting nets and fish traps, and many woven straps of palm leaves that will be stitched together to make floor and sleeping mats.
The outer room of Bamiya Champia’s house is a walled in verandah. Here three cots are up-ended on which the children sleep. There is also mortar for pestling grain. Bamiya’s two wives are busy pestling and winnowing grain. Here hang hunting nets and fish traps, and many woven straps of palm leaves that will be stitched together to make floor and sleeping mats.
This is the single roomed mud hut house of a poor landless mine worker. His wife looks after their two children while he is away at work. In the back of the house, on the right, you can see her cooking hearth, the ‘ading’, which, given her poverty, is in the corner of her only room.
This is the single roomed mud hut house of a poor landless mine worker. His wife looks after their two children while he is away at work. In the back of the house, on the right, you can see her cooking hearth, the ‘ading’, which, given her poverty, is in the corner of her only room.
Chipri Champia pestling rice in the side room of their large house, where she and her mother, Menjo, the second wife of Bamiya Champia, live. You can see two spare pestles and a school slate and also a small ‘poila’ volumetric measuring bowl.
Chipri Champia pestling rice in the side room of their large house, where she and her mother, Menjo, the second wife of Bamiya Champia, live. You can see two spare pestles and a school slate and also a small ‘poila’ volumetric measuring bowl.

House interiors

Usually people of a different clan, ‘kili‘, who are not of the same rice pot, ‘miyad mandi chatu‘, are not allowed into a house. Though a few wealthy families have a reception room in the front of their house. Inside will be one or more sleeping rooms, and often a store room, ‘tantara‘, where crops and household implements are kept. A separate cooking room, ‘ading‘, can only be entered by close family members. Here the sacred rice pot, the ‘miyad mandi chatu‘ is kept, where the spirits, ‘umbul‘ of the ancestors reside.

Festivals

Containing photos of the two main Ho festivals. Firstly ‘Goa Mara‘, when cattle owners renew the annual contract with their cattle herder, ‘gowalla‘. Secondly ‘Maghe Porob‘, a bacchanalia, lasting for a few days, when the inhibitions of normal life are ignored, and everyone indulges in challenging, obscene, drunken, and ribald language. It is also a festival renowned for young people to dance and look for future partners.

Later there are many other more religious festivals in the RELIGION section of this website.

‘Gao Mara’ takes place after ‘Maghe Porob’. It is a family ceremony when the contract with their cattle herder is renewed. Symbolically the cattle owner reverses roles and treats his cowherder as if he is his cow. The herder feels what it is like to be herded. It is done with a sense of fun and humour, confirming their contract. Here Bamiya Champia is ritually whipping his herder as if he is a cow.
‘Gao Mara’ takes place after ‘Maghe Porob’. It is a family ceremony when the contract with their cattle herder is renewed. Symbolically the cattle owner reverses roles and treats his cowherder as if he is his cow. The herder feels what it is like to be herded. It is done with a sense of fun and humour, confirming their contract. Here Bamiya Champia is ritually whipping his herder as if he is a cow.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’. It is a family ceremony when a family’s contract with their herdsman is renewed. Here the cow herder, on four legs like a cow, charges around like a drunk cow, butting everyone. They laughs with pleasure that the contract is renewed.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’. It is a family ceremony when a family’s contract with their herdsman is renewed. Here the cow herder, on four legs like a cow, charges around like a drunk cow, butting everyone. They laughs with pleasure that the contract is renewed.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’ takes place after ‘Maghe Porob’. A family’s contract with their cattle is renewed. Here the cow herder drinks a leaf cupful of rice beer as if her is a cow, directly from a leaf cup on the ground. While the cow owner, Bamiya Champia, stands over him with a straw whip, ready to beat him into action.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’ takes place after ‘Maghe Porob’. A family’s contract with their cattle is renewed. Here the cow herder drinks a leaf cupful of rice beer as if her is a cow, directly from a leaf cup on the ground. While the cow owner, Bamiya Champia, stands over him with a straw whip, ready to beat him into action.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’ is a ceremony when a family’s contract with their herdsman is renewed. Here Bamiya Champia and his cow-herder are making the preparation. The ground is prepared in the herder’s courtyard with many pots of rice beer standing ready.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’ is a ceremony when a family’s contract with their herdsman is renewed. Here Bamiya Champia and his cow-herder are making the preparation. The ground is prepared in the herder’s courtyard with many pots of rice beer standing ready.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’ is a family ceremony in which a family’s contract with their herdsman is renewed. To start the ceremony the owner of cattle offers rice beer to the deities. Here Bamiya Champia, the cattle owner, is pouring rice beer onto three unpinned and open leaf cups so that it spills onto the ground. By doing this the spirits that he calls become witnesses to the new contract.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’ is a family ceremony in which a family’s contract with their herdsman is renewed. To start the ceremony the owner of cattle offers rice beer to the deities. Here Bamiya Champia, the cattle owner, is pouring rice beer onto three unpinned and open leaf cups so that it spills onto the ground. By doing this the spirits that he calls become witnesses to the new contract.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’. Here the cow herder is on four legs, like a cow, and is about to butt a portion of a termite mound. This symbolises the creation of the Ho people. The original boy and girl were shy of making love. So the creator God taught her how to make yeast to ferment rice beer. When drunk their fear of incest was overcome and she gave birth to the original seven Ho children. Meanwhile the cow owner stands over him with a small straw whip, ready to beat him into action.
The festival of ‘Gao Mara’. Here the cow herder is on four legs, like a cow, and is about to butt a portion of a termite mound. This symbolises the creation of the Ho people. The original boy and girl were shy of making love. So the creator God taught her how to make yeast to ferment rice beer. When drunk their fear of incest was overcome and she gave birth to the original seven Ho children. Meanwhile the cow owner stands over him with a small straw whip, ready to beat him into action.
During the festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ every day the young men beat the large kettle drum and lead the young women and men to the ‘susun akhara’, the dancing ground where both genders get together in a spirit of fun and games and dance to the sound of drums, flutes and fiddles.
During the festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ every day the young men beat the large kettle drum and lead the young women and men to the ‘susun akhara’, the dancing ground where both genders get together in a spirit of fun and games and dance to the sound of drums, flutes and fiddles.
The festival of ‘Maghe Porob’, a week-long bacchanalia when the standards of normal restrained behaviour are turned upside down and a new year is welcomed in. It involves a week in which patriarchal values are forgotten and replaced by outrageous humour and laughter before the new year and everything returns to normal. This girl’s face shows the light-hearted feeling that dominates the week.
The festival of ‘Maghe Porob’, a week-long bacchanalia when the standards of normal restrained behaviour are turned upside down and a new year is welcomed in. It involves a week in which patriarchal values are forgotten and replaced by outrageous humour and laughter before the new year and everything returns to normal. This girl’s face shows the light-hearted feeling that dominates the week.
This young woman from Dubil expresses so well the feeling of joy while dancing during ‘Maghe Porob’.
This young woman from Dubil expresses so well the feeling of joy while dancing during ‘Maghe Porob’.
During the festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ the sound of the big kettle drums and the tuneful barrel drums, ‘dumaing’, produce a rhythmic throb that livens the spirits.
During the festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ the sound of the big kettle drums and the tuneful barrel drums, ‘dumaing’, produce a rhythmic throb that livens the spirits.
This young man pounds the large kettle drum providing the base rhythm for everyone to dance to during ‘Maghe Porob’.
This young man pounds the large kettle drum providing the base rhythm for everyone to dance to during ‘Maghe Porob’.
As boys and girls dance, linked arm in arm in a spiral outside Huri Diuri’s house during ‘Maghe Porob’, a girl places a large pot of rice beer (diyang) on the ground to raise the spirits for the day.
As boys and girls dance, linked arm in arm in a spiral outside Huri Diuri’s house during ‘Maghe Porob’, a girl places a large pot of rice beer (diyang) on the ground to raise the spirits for the day.
During ‘Maghe Porob’ dancing the men and women spiral round and round, linked together arm in arm.
During ‘Maghe Porob’ dancing the men and women spiral round and round, linked together arm in arm.
During ‘Maghe Porob’ the older couples lead the dance spiral, while younger teenagers tag on at the end of the line, practising and learning the complex footsteps.
During ‘Maghe Porob’ the older couples lead the dance spiral, while younger teenagers tag on at the end of the line, practising and learning the complex footsteps.
During the ‘Maghe Porob’ dances Mongol Champia beats the more tuneful 'dumaing' barrel drum that we presented to the village.
During the ‘Maghe Porob’ dances Mongol Champia beats the more tuneful 'dumaing' barrel drum that we presented to the village.
A group of four young men provide the rhythm for the dancing on kettle and barrel drums.
A group of four young men provide the rhythm for the dancing on kettle and barrel drums.
A typical display of the exaggerated and humorous social misbehaviour of during ‘Maghe Porob’. Bamiya Champia chases my partner, Valerie, around the field in front of his house, claiming her as his wife. This is a joking display of 'Maghe' absurdity as he claims, for real, the fictitious relationship of being his daughter's mother, that if she has a daughter she would call her Chipiri, his daughter. This would mean that she is his third wife.
A typical display of the exaggerated and humorous social misbehaviour of during ‘Maghe Porob’. Bamiya Champia chases my partner, Valerie, around the field in front of his house, claiming her as his wife. This is a joking display of 'Maghe' absurdity as he claims, for real, the fictitious relationship of being his daughter's mother, that if she has a daughter she would call her Chipiri, his daughter. This would mean that she is his third wife.
A typical display of the humorous misbehaviour of ‘Maghe Porob’, Bamiya Champia chases Valerie claiming her as his third wife. Val had earlier said that if she has a daughter, she would call her Chipiri, after his daughter. This would mean that she is his third wife. Here Valerie escapes Bamiya claiming her as his third wife – typical of the over-the-top humour of this festival that overturns normal social values.
A typical display of the humorous misbehaviour of ‘Maghe Porob’, Bamiya Champia chases Valerie claiming her as his third wife. Val had earlier said that if she has a daughter, she would call her Chipiri, after his daughter. This would mean that she is his third wife. Here Valerie escapes Bamiya claiming her as his third wife – typical of the over-the-top humour of this festival that overturns normal social values.
During ‘Maghe Porob’ every day the young men beat the large kettle drum and lead the women and men of the village to the ‘susun akhara’, the dancing ground, where both genders get together in a spirit of fun and games dancing to the drums, flutes and fiddles
During ‘Maghe Porob’ every day the young men beat the large kettle drum and lead the women and men of the village to the ‘susun akhara’, the dancing ground, where both genders get together in a spirit of fun and games dancing to the drums, flutes and fiddles
With boys playing the big kettle drums and two on the small double sided ‘dumaing’ barrel drums, they gather and lead the girls through the streets to the ‘susun akhara’ dance ground.
With boys playing the big kettle drums and two on the small double sided ‘dumaing’ barrel drums, they gather and lead the girls through the streets to the ‘susun akhara’ dance ground.
The men, in their best dhoti, join the line of girls, dressed in their best saris, dancing hand-in-hand in a circular dance that spirals in and out, to the rhytm of the drums.
The men, in their best dhoti, join the line of girls, dressed in their best saris, dancing hand-in-hand in a circular dance that spirals in and out, to the rhytm of the drums.
A man plays the one stringed fiddle, 'banam', leading the women of to the ‘susun akhara’, the dance ground.
A man plays the one stringed fiddle, 'banam', leading the women of to the ‘susun akhara’, the dance ground.
At the main annual festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ the men and women go to the dancing ground, ‘susun akhara’, beside the village headman’s house. They are accompanied by two large kettle drums, and fiddle, 'banam', and a 'dumaing' double ended clay barrel drum. This is the main dance festival of the year.
At the main annual festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ the men and women go to the dancing ground, ‘susun akhara’, beside the village headman’s house. They are accompanied by two large kettle drums, and fiddle, 'banam', and a 'dumaing' double ended clay barrel drum. This is the main dance festival of the year.
With the men leading the dance on two barrel drums and a kettle drum, the girls link up, shoulder-to-shoulder and spiral back and forth around the musicians. As time goes on boys join the spiralling girls, picking their partners with care.
With the men leading the dance on two barrel drums and a kettle drum, the girls link up, shoulder-to-shoulder and spiral back and forth around the musicians. As time goes on boys join the spiralling girls, picking their partners with care.
At the main annual festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ all the men and women of Dubil go to the dancing ground, ‘susun akhara’ beside the village headman’s house for the great dance festival of the year.
At the main annual festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ all the men and women of Dubil go to the dancing ground, ‘susun akhara’ beside the village headman’s house for the great dance festival of the year.
For the main annual festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ all the young men and women of Dubil, dance in a rotating spiral, arm-in-arm. A moment of great pleasure, 'ransa', laughter and joy when many friendships are set up.
For the main annual festival of ‘Maghe Porob’ all the young men and women of Dubil, dance in a rotating spiral, arm-in-arm. A moment of great pleasure, 'ransa', laughter and joy when many friendships are set up.

Dancing

The Ho have a passion for dancing at all their village festivals ‘porobko‘, and weddings, ‘marming‘. Young people dress in their best clothes. Girls put flowers in their hair, and go to the ‘susun akhara‘, the dance ground, in the centre of the village. The boys collect set of drums, their flutes, ‘rutu‘, and fiddles, ‘banam‘, as a rhythmic orchestra to lead the dancing.

Marriage

The Ho system of marriage is complex; there are many different methods. The preferred way is ‘bapala andi‘, a marriage and betrothal, arranged by the parents, often with the consent of the bride and groom. It involves a bridewealth, ‘gonong‘, to be given to the bride’s family. This involves prolonged negotiations by a go-between, ‘dutam‘. ‘Sasang andi‘ is when a boy smears a girl with turmeric and claims her as his wife. It is a ‘marriage by capture’, rather than an arranged marriage. It is often referred to as ‘opor tipi‘, meaning they both ‘grab each other by the hand’, an elopement by mutual consent. These are mostly secondary marriages. These are photos of an arranged ‘bapala andi‘.

The presentation of the brideprice, ‘gonong’ paid by the groom’s family to the bride’s family for taking their daughter and making her a member of their family and clan. It compensates her family for their loss. You can see the bridesmaids carrying the ‘gonong’ into their house, while a man prepares a bowl of rice beer to settle the deal.
The presentation of the brideprice, ‘gonong’ paid by the groom’s family to the bride’s family for taking their daughter and making her a member of their family and clan. It compensates her family for their loss. You can see the bridesmaids carrying the ‘gonong’ into their house, while a man prepares a bowl of rice beer to settle the deal.
The bridesmaids are formally presenting the brideprice 'gonong' that is given to the bride’s family by the groom’s family for their daughter. It is large water pot and a wooden box off clothes, rugs and blankets.
The bridesmaids are formally presenting the brideprice 'gonong' that is given to the bride’s family by the groom’s family for their daughter. It is large water pot and a wooden box off clothes, rugs and blankets.
The friends and kin of a bride anxiously await the marriage ceremony of a bride to her groom. They will lose their friend into a different clan and to a different village. They worry about how happy she will be in this marriage. It will be a sad time for the bride. She will be leaving her childhood friends and parents for a life in her parents-in-law's household.
The friends and kin of a bride anxiously await the marriage ceremony of a bride to her groom. They will lose their friend into a different clan and to a different village. They worry about how happy she will be in this marriage. It will be a sad time for the bride. She will be leaving her childhood friends and parents for a life in her parents-in-law's household.
The bride, in the centre with a printed sari and silver earrings, awaits the wedding 'marming’. Her bridesmaids on either side of her, protect her. Sense their anxiety at how this marriage will be. It has been arranged by the parents.
The bride, in the centre with a printed sari and silver earrings, awaits the wedding 'marming’. Her bridesmaids on either side of her, protect her. Sense their anxiety at how this marriage will be. It has been arranged by the parents.
The sister of the groom prepares leaf cups for the rice beer drinking session that will complete the marriage ceremony. You can sense her anxiety at how well this arranged marriage will be.
The sister of the groom prepares leaf cups for the rice beer drinking session that will complete the marriage ceremony. You can sense her anxiety at how well this arranged marriage will be.
The bride’s party rest near the groom’s house in the Hende Diri hamlet of Dubil after coming from their village. The bride and bridesmaids sit on a cot, while her girlfriends and sisters sleep on a mat and wait for the marriage ceremony to begin.
The bride’s party rest near the groom’s house in the Hende Diri hamlet of Dubil after coming from their village. The bride and bridesmaids sit on a cot, while her girlfriends and sisters sleep on a mat and wait for the marriage ceremony to begin.
The bride and her bridesmaids are welcomed to the groom's house, whose father has given them each a leaf cup ‘pu:u’ of rice beer as a welcoming gift to raise their spirits for the upcoming marriage ceremony.
The bride and her bridesmaids are welcomed to the groom's house, whose father has given them each a leaf cup ‘pu:u’ of rice beer as a welcoming gift to raise their spirits for the upcoming marriage ceremony.
The bride and her bridesmaids are welcomed to the groom's house and drink rice beer ‘diyang’ to raise their spirits for the marriage ceremony.
The bride and her bridesmaids are welcomed to the groom's house and drink rice beer ‘diyang’ to raise their spirits for the marriage ceremony.
Palo Champia, the wife of Bamiya Champia, prepares leaf cups for the guests at this marriage ceremony.
Palo Champia, the wife of Bamiya Champia, prepares leaf cups for the guests at this marriage ceremony.
A friend of the bride looks on anxiously as the bride is given away in marriage. Arranged marriages are anxious moments for childhood friends, who worry about whether it will be a happy marriage.
A friend of the bride looks on anxiously as the bride is given away in marriage. Arranged marriages are anxious moments for childhood friends, who worry about whether it will be a happy marriage.
The bride, and one of her bridesmaids, eagerly drink the rice beer given to them by the groom’s father, to relax them for the wedding ceremony.
The bride, and one of her bridesmaids, eagerly drink the rice beer given to them by the groom’s father, to relax them for the wedding ceremony.
The bride and groom's parents drink rice beer, happy that their friend has arranged a good marriage for their son.
The bride and groom's parents drink rice beer, happy that their friend has arranged a good marriage for their son.
A ‘pepre’ oboe being played in Chaibasa market by caste Hindu musicians, who are not tribals.
A ‘pepre’ oboe being played in Chaibasa market by caste Hindu musicians, who are not tribals.
Two ‘pepre’ oboes being played in Chaibasa market by non tribal 'diku' musicians.
Two ‘pepre’ oboes being played in Chaibasa market by non tribal 'diku' musicians.
A young boy who fancies his ability at playing the small 'dama' kettle drum outside Huri Diuri’s house.
A young boy who fancies his ability at playing the small 'dama' kettle drum outside Huri Diuri’s house.
The barrel drum ‘dumaing’ being played with drumsticks in Chaibasa market. It is probably being played by a non-tribal. The Ho usually beat it by hand. Also this barrel drum has no black lacquered disk on the drum-skin.
The barrel drum ‘dumaing’ being played with drumsticks in Chaibasa market. It is probably being played by a non-tribal. The Ho usually beat it by hand. Also this barrel drum has no black lacquered disk on the drum-skin.
Two young men playing the ‘dumaing’ barrel drum with their hands. Note the black lacquered surface of the drum skin.
Two young men playing the ‘dumaing’ barrel drum with their hands. Note the black lacquered surface of the drum skin.
A young Hindu man playing the barrel drum with drumsticks in Chaibasa market.
A young Hindu man playing the barrel drum with drumsticks in Chaibasa market.
A young Ho man playing the big ‘dama’ kettle drum with drumsticks in Dubil village.
A young Ho man playing the big ‘dama’ kettle drum with drumsticks in Dubil village.
Girls and boys dancing in Dubil village to the rhythm of two big ‘dama’ kettle drums and a ‘dumaing’ double-ended barrel drum. A man is also playing the 'banam' one-stringed fiddle.
Girls and boys dancing in Dubil village to the rhythm of two big ‘dama’ kettle drums and a ‘dumaing’ double-ended barrel drum. A man is also playing the 'banam' one-stringed fiddle.
A villager from Dubil beating the large ‘dama’ kettle drum during the ‘Maghe porob’ festival dancing.
A villager from Dubil beating the large ‘dama’ kettle drum during the ‘Maghe porob’ festival dancing.
Mongol Champia beating a ‘dumaing’, barrel drum during the ‘Maghe porob’ festival dancing in Dubil village.
Mongol Champia beating a ‘dumaing’, barrel drum during the ‘Maghe porob’ festival dancing in Dubil village.
A team of four young men beat two ‘dama’ kettle drums and two ‘dumaing’, barrel drums during the ‘maghe porob’ festival dancing in Dubil.
A team of four young men beat two ‘dama’ kettle drums and two ‘dumaing’, barrel drums during the ‘maghe porob’ festival dancing in Dubil.
Three young men playing the big ‘dama’ drum and two barrel ‘dumaing’ drums during a festival ‘porob’ dance in Dubil.
Three young men playing the big ‘dama’ drum and two barrel ‘dumaing’ drums during a festival ‘porob’ dance in Dubil.
The one-stringed homemade fiddle, the ‘banam’, being played during the 'Maghe' festival dancing in Dubil.
The one-stringed homemade fiddle, the ‘banam’, being played during the 'Maghe' festival dancing in Dubil.
The one-stringed fiddle, the ‘banam’.
The one-stringed fiddle, the ‘banam’.
Three young men playing the one-stringed ‘banam’ fiddles during a festival ‘porob’ dance in Dubil.
Three young men playing the one-stringed ‘banam’ fiddles during a festival ‘porob’ dance in Dubil.
Two huge 'dama' metal kettle drums lie ruined in the remnants of the Ho Raja of Saranda’s palace in Chhotanagra.
Two huge 'dama' metal kettle drums lie ruined in the remnants of the Ho Raja of Saranda’s palace in Chhotanagra.

Musical instruments, drums, flutes, fiddles, oboe (pepre)

The Ho love their music. Men  wander around playing bamboo flutes, ‘rutu‘, and also the small homemade one-stringed fiddle, the ‘banam‘. I never saw women making music, other than accompanying men with small brass cymbals. The most important instruments are the drums, which are communally owned by the village. The large base metal kettle drum, ‘dama‘, is usually beaten with two sticks, The double ended pottery barrel drum, the ‘dumaing‘, are mainly used to give rhythm to their festival dances.

Panchayat meetings

This means ‘the meeting of five’. It refers to a council meeting of male elders to discuss matters of communal government. It can also be a legislative council, where disputes are settled. The chairman is either the headman, ‘munda‘ or the paramount headman, ‘manki‘, who acts as ‘primus inter pares’, first among equals. He may well be the most authoritative person. His main role is to state the consensual conclusion of the matter under discussion. The ‘panchayat‘ is a democratic institution, common to all Indian villages.

All the men of Dubil village have gathered under a mango tree to decide a case of theft. A man stands accusing Dumbi Uindi of stealing his goat. Seated on the cot are the three village elders, Joto Champia, the village headman ‘munda’, leaning forward; Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, ‘manki’, pointing and talking; Kaera Champia, the village priest, ‘diuri’, descendant of the village founder, with a scarf on his shoulder. This a patriarchal male affair.
All the men of Dubil village have gathered under a mango tree to decide a case of theft. A man stands accusing Dumbi Uindi of stealing his goat. Seated on the cot are the three village elders, Joto Champia, the village headman ‘munda’, leaning forward; Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, ‘manki’, pointing and talking; Kaera Champia, the village priest, ‘diuri’, descendant of the village founder, with a scarf on his shoulder. This a patriarchal male affair.
Ho women listening during a meeting of the village 'panchayat' council. These discussions are a male affair. However women do attend when it is about a matter that concerns them. They are often called as witnesses. They are listened to, though they will play no part in the final democratic decision.
Ho women listening during a meeting of the village 'panchayat' council. These discussions are a male affair. However women do attend when it is about a matter that concerns them. They are often called as witnesses. They are listened to, though they will play no part in the final democratic decision.
The women of Dubil will often sit and discuss matters of importance to them during formal 'panchayat' meetings. However these are not considered a formal part of a meeting. Here the elderly lady leads a discussion and acts as the ‘primus inter pares’, the first among female equals and the decision maker. She assesses and states the consensus of the women's point-of-view.
The women of Dubil will often sit and discuss matters of importance to them during formal 'panchayat' meetings. However these are not considered a formal part of a meeting. Here the elderly lady leads a discussion and acts as the ‘primus inter pares’, the first among female equals and the decision maker. She assesses and states the consensus of the women's point-of-view.
The women will often sit and discuss matters of importance to them. These are not considered formal panchayat meetings. Here one elderly lady leads a discussion and acts as an informal head-woman.
The women will often sit and discuss matters of importance to them. These are not considered formal panchayat meetings. Here one elderly lady leads a discussion and acts as an informal head-woman.
Here I am watching a goat being butchered and the flesh being shared out for each household head that attended the council meeting to decide Dumbi Uindi’s theft of a goat. He was found guilty and was fined one goat. It was mortgaged to him. The villagers slaughtered the goat, and it was shared out among the villagers as recompense for breaking the morality of the community.
Here I am watching a goat being butchered and the flesh being shared out for each household head that attended the council meeting to decide Dumbi Uindi’s theft of a goat. He was found guilty and was fined one goat. It was mortgaged to him. The villagers slaughtered the goat, and it was shared out among the villagers as recompense for breaking the morality of the community.
This is council meeting was called by the village accountant to discuss the route of a new road to the village. It has been proposed by the Integrated Tribal Development Authority. A villager is talking to Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, in the presence of all the landowners of the village. They are deciding where the road should go, whose land it should cross and how they should be compensated.
This is council meeting was called by the village accountant to discuss the route of a new road to the village. It has been proposed by the Integrated Tribal Development Authority. A villager is talking to Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, in the presence of all the landowners of the village. They are deciding where the road should go, whose land it should cross and how they should be compensated.
Rupa Murmu, seated to the right of the cot, is challenging Kaera Hembron for encroaching on his fields. Joto Champia, the ‘munda’, village headman, seated with hands on feet, chairs the discussion. Left of him is Dule Hasda, a Santal, the wealthiest man in the village. Joto Champia has put documents at his feet symbolising his authority. Sat on the cot, back to us, is Sahu, the village accountant, one of three literate men in Dubil. He is consulting papers, including the record of land title deeds. He is shown respect by sitting on a cot, while he takes notes to send to the land registration officer, ‘karamchari’.
Rupa Murmu, seated to the right of the cot, is challenging Kaera Hembron for encroaching on his fields. Joto Champia, the ‘munda’, village headman, seated with hands on feet, chairs the discussion. Left of him is Dule Hasda, a Santal, the wealthiest man in the village. Joto Champia has put documents at his feet symbolising his authority. Sat on the cot, back to us, is Sahu, the village accountant, one of three literate men in Dubil. He is consulting papers, including the record of land title deeds. He is shown respect by sitting on a cot, while he takes notes to send to the land registration officer, ‘karamchari’.
This is a council meeting called over an family dispute. One of the techniques that the Ho use in disputes is for the village headman to resort to apposite truisms that sum up the public feeling. A headman, skilled at this, gains merit as a peacemaker. This gives the elders pleasure, clearly visible in this photograph.
This is a council meeting called over an family dispute. One of the techniques that the Ho use in disputes is for the village headman to resort to apposite truisms that sum up the public feeling. A headman, skilled at this, gains merit as a peacemaker. This gives the elders pleasure, clearly visible in this photograph.
Dursu Champia, one of the descendants of the original founder of Dubil, is one of the most elderly and wise men of the village. He always attends panchayat meetings. He is paying close attention to the discussion. What he has to say is appreciated for its wisdom and common sense.
Dursu Champia, one of the descendants of the original founder of Dubil, is one of the most elderly and wise men of the village. He always attends panchayat meetings. He is paying close attention to the discussion. What he has to say is appreciated for its wisdom and common sense.
Dursu Champia as usual is one of the most animated and active members of the community meetings. He has remarkable oratorical skill and his smiling presence engenders peace and agreement, even during the most conflictual discussions.
Dursu Champia as usual is one of the most animated and active members of the community meetings. He has remarkable oratorical skill and his smiling presence engenders peace and agreement, even during the most conflictual discussions.
Joto Champia is the hereditary headman, ‘Munda’ of Dubil. As the eldest son of the eldest son of his great grandfather Kande Champia, he is accepted as the headman. However Joto lacks leadership qualities. His relative, Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman of the fifteen villages of Saranda Pir, has taken over as the active headman.
Joto Champia is the hereditary headman, ‘Munda’ of Dubil. As the eldest son of the eldest son of his great grandfather Kande Champia, he is accepted as the headman. However Joto lacks leadership qualities. His relative, Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman of the fifteen villages of Saranda Pir, has taken over as the active headman.
A 'panchayat' meeting in the shade of a tree. The ‘Manki’ paramount headman, Bamiya Champia, has pride of place on the cot, seated above everyone else. He is ‘primus inter pares’, the first among equals. He will not take sides in the discussion. His skill is to create consensual agreement. He will frequently state that the matter is to be discussed at a further meeting, allowing time for private discussion, so that consensus is reached later.
A 'panchayat' meeting in the shade of a tree. The ‘Manki’ paramount headman, Bamiya Champia, has pride of place on the cot, seated above everyone else. He is ‘primus inter pares’, the first among equals. He will not take sides in the discussion. His skill is to create consensual agreement. He will frequently state that the matter is to be discussed at a further meeting, allowing time for private discussion, so that consensus is reached later.
This shows the political power structure. It is a masculine affair. Despite tribal societies being egalitarian and democratic, there is a hierarchy. Seated high on the cot is Bamiya Champia Manki, the chairperson. On the palm leaf mat is Sahu, the panchayat accountant. Next to him Joto Champia, the ineffective headman. Next to him Kaera Champia, the plaintiff. Standing is a witness, who has been called to speak. Seated on the ground behind him are the household heads.
This shows the political power structure. It is a masculine affair. Despite tribal societies being egalitarian and democratic, there is a hierarchy. Seated high on the cot is Bamiya Champia Manki, the chairperson. On the palm leaf mat is Sahu, the panchayat accountant. Next to him Joto Champia, the ineffective headman. Next to him Kaera Champia, the plaintiff. Standing is a witness, who has been called to speak. Seated on the ground behind him are the household heads.
Joto Champia, the formal village headman ‘munda’, talks to Bamiya Champia Manki, the paramount headman, the effective chairperson.
Joto Champia, the formal village headman ‘munda’, talks to Bamiya Champia Manki, the paramount headman, the effective chairperson.
Bamiya Champia Manki, the paramount headman, the chairperson, is presents the final compromise and judgement of the meeting to the accused thief. The ineffective village headman, Joto Champia, is on his right. Sahu, the panchayat accountant, is on his left, taking notes to report to the government. Note Bamiya Manki’s body language that says, ‘Do not complain. This is our joint decision. Accept it’.
Bamiya Champia Manki, the paramount headman, the chairperson, is presents the final compromise and judgement of the meeting to the accused thief. The ineffective village headman, Joto Champia, is on his right. Sahu, the panchayat accountant, is on his left, taking notes to report to the government. Note Bamiya Manki’s body language that says, ‘Do not complain. This is our joint decision. Accept it’.
Joto Champia, the village headman , sits with printed papers. They symbolise his authority. However he is illiterate. Four adult males in the village were literate in 1974, the paramount headman, his brother Sukuram, the note taker, Dule Hasda, the wealthiest man in the village, a Santal tribal, and Sahu, the accountant.
Joto Champia, the village headman , sits with printed papers. They symbolise his authority. However he is illiterate. Four adult males in the village were literate in 1974, the paramount headman, his brother Sukuram, the note taker, Dule Hasda, the wealthiest man in the village, a Santal tribal, and Sahu, the accountant.
At this council meeting Rupa Murmu has accused another villager of encroaching on his upland field. He has carefully rolled up the title deed ‘parcha’ to his land and placed it in the strings of the paramount headman’s cot.
At this council meeting Rupa Murmu has accused another villager of encroaching on his upland field. He has carefully rolled up the title deed ‘parcha’ to his land and placed it in the strings of the paramount headman’s cot.
At this council meeting a land owner has a scroll of papers in his hand. These are the vital ‘parcha’ or government issued title deeds to his fields. They prove his ownership. All landowners carefully keep these safe. They are the ultimate proof of their ownership and it is registered as tribal adivasi land that cannot be sold to a non-tribal.
At this council meeting a land owner has a scroll of papers in his hand. These are the vital ‘parcha’ or government issued title deeds to his fields. They prove his ownership. All landowners carefully keep these safe. They are the ultimate proof of their ownership and it is registered as tribal adivasi land that cannot be sold to a non-tribal.
Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, 'Manki’, is in discussion with Sahu, the panchayat accountant. Significantly he has put a pencil behind his ear, showing he is literate. This is a symbol of his authority.
Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, 'Manki’, is in discussion with Sahu, the panchayat accountant. Significantly he has put a pencil behind his ear, showing he is literate. This is a symbol of his authority.
Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, ‘Manki’, stands to assert his final decision at the end of a small meeting. The attendants both smile and look worried by the conclusion that he has reached.
Bamiya Champia, the paramount headman, ‘Manki’, stands to assert his final decision at the end of a small meeting. The attendants both smile and look worried by the conclusion that he has reached.
This elderly villager pays close attention to the matter under discussion. Such village council meetings engender a strong feeling of mutual togetherness, joint responsibility and community cohesion. Panchayat meetings are nearly always well attended by all ages.
This elderly villager pays close attention to the matter under discussion. Such village council meetings engender a strong feeling of mutual togetherness, joint responsibility and community cohesion. Panchayat meetings are nearly always well attended by all ages.
Konta Champia, the widow of deceased Rupa Champia, the Dubil priest, weeps as they place his body on the cremation pyre. Most Ho are buried in the soil. Because Rupa was the village priest and the descendant of the original founder, who made peace with untamed spirits of the forest, he will be cremated. His ashes will be interred in his clan graveyard and his spirit will be united with his ancestors in the family's sacred rice cooking pot.
Konta Champia, the widow of deceased Rupa Champia, the Dubil priest, weeps as they place his body on the cremation pyre. Most Ho are buried in the soil. Because Rupa was the village priest and the descendant of the original founder, who made peace with untamed spirits of the forest, he will be cremated. His ashes will be interred in his clan graveyard and his spirit will be united with his ancestors in the family's sacred rice cooking pot.
Women mourning over the cremation pyre of Rupa Champia, the ‘diuri’ the high priest of Dubil. He was the descendant of the original founder of Dubil. He is about to be cremated with full honours.
Women mourning over the cremation pyre of Rupa Champia, the ‘diuri’ the high priest of Dubil. He was the descendant of the original founder of Dubil. He is about to be cremated with full honours.
The corpse of Rupa Champia, the ‘diuri’, the priest of Dubil, is carried to the pyre, wrapped in a shroud on his cot, where he will be cremated. Note his grief-stricken widow has climbed into the pyre.
The corpse of Rupa Champia, the ‘diuri’, the priest of Dubil, is carried to the pyre, wrapped in a shroud on his cot, where he will be cremated. Note his grief-stricken widow has climbed into the pyre.
Women mourning at the cremation pyre of Rupa Champia, the ‘diuri’, the priest of Dubil.
Women mourning at the cremation pyre of Rupa Champia, the ‘diuri’, the priest of Dubil.
Rupa Champia, the village priest of Dubil, is carried in procession out of his courtyard on his upturned cot by the men of his clan, 'killi'. The women follow, wailing in memory of him.
Rupa Champia, the village priest of Dubil, is carried in procession out of his courtyard on his upturned cot by the men of his clan, 'killi'. The women follow, wailing in memory of him.
Rupa Champia’s elderly father, Jintu Champia, the retired village priest, wailing beside the empty funeral pyre, in sorrowful memory of his son.
Rupa Champia’s elderly father, Jintu Champia, the retired village priest, wailing beside the empty funeral pyre, in sorrowful memory of his son.
The villagers building the funeral pyre for Rupa Champia Diuri’s cremation ceremony.
The villagers building the funeral pyre for Rupa Champia Diuri’s cremation ceremony.
After the cremation of Rupa Champia Diuri’s corpse, his ashes will be put in this gourd to be buried in the family's graveyard ‘sasan akhara’, where a gravestone, brought from the forest, will be placed over the grave. Then his soul, his 'umbul', or shadow, will be be ritually called back to enter the family's sacred rice cooking pot, the 'miyad mandi chatu', to reside with the family's ancestral spirits.
After the cremation of Rupa Champia Diuri’s corpse, his ashes will be put in this gourd to be buried in the family's graveyard ‘sasan akhara’, where a gravestone, brought from the forest, will be placed over the grave. Then his soul, his 'umbul', or shadow, will be be ritually called back to enter the family's sacred rice cooking pot, the 'miyad mandi chatu', to reside with the family's ancestral spirits.
The fire is lit under the cremation pyre of Rupa Champia.
The fire is lit under the cremation pyre of Rupa Champia.
The women stand mourning on the right, as Rupa Champia's cremation pyre begins to burn. The men stand separately on the left. All are facing east, the direction of the rising sun, abode of `Singbonga', their creator god.
The women stand mourning on the right, as Rupa Champia's cremation pyre begins to burn. The men stand separately on the left. All are facing east, the direction of the rising sun, abode of `Singbonga', their creator god.
Rupa Champia’s grandson is passed over the funeral pyre of his grandfather in the belief that he will be imbued with his spirit.
Rupa Champia’s grandson is passed over the funeral pyre of his grandfather in the belief that he will be imbued with his spirit.
A huge gravestone is brought from the forest to the clan graveyard, 'sasan akhara', where it will be placed over the buried gourd containing Rupa Champia’s ashes. The large size of the gravestone reflects the respect that was given to him as the village priest.
A huge gravestone is brought from the forest to the clan graveyard, 'sasan akhara', where it will be placed over the buried gourd containing Rupa Champia’s ashes. The large size of the gravestone reflects the respect that was given to him as the village priest.
The gravestone is placed over the buried gourd containing Rupa Champia’s ashes. The size of the stone reflects the respect for him as the village priest. A thread of ‘sawai’ grass leads from inside the ash filled gourd into the open air, allowing his spirit to later be called up it and into his house, where it will rest in the family’s cooking hearth, the ‘ading’, in their rice cooking pot, the ‘miyad mandi chatu’, the sacred abode of their ancestral spirits.
The gravestone is placed over the buried gourd containing Rupa Champia’s ashes. The size of the stone reflects the respect for him as the village priest. A thread of ‘sawai’ grass leads from inside the ash filled gourd into the open air, allowing his spirit to later be called up it and into his house, where it will rest in the family’s cooking hearth, the ‘ading’, in their rice cooking pot, the ‘miyad mandi chatu’, the sacred abode of their ancestral spirits.
The corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, is brought out of her house and placed beside the grave, as the women and children mourn her death.
The corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, is brought out of her house and placed beside the grave, as the women and children mourn her death.
Sukuram Champia, a relative of the deceased Randae Kimbo, née Champia, arrives at her house with a pot of rice beer, that his wife has brewed. After the final return of her spirit to their sacred cooking hearth, ‘ading’, to join the spirits of her clan ancestors, the ‘miyad mandi chatrenko’, the people of one rice pot, the beer will be drunk in celebration.
Sukuram Champia, a relative of the deceased Randae Kimbo, née Champia, arrives at her house with a pot of rice beer, that his wife has brewed. After the final return of her spirit to their sacred cooking hearth, ‘ading’, to join the spirits of her clan ancestors, the ‘miyad mandi chatrenko’, the people of one rice pot, the beer will be drunk in celebration.
The corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, is being lowered into the grave.
The corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, is being lowered into the grave.
Palo Champia, the wife of the paramount headman, Bamiya Champia, and Randae Kimbo's close relative, mourns her death.
Palo Champia, the wife of the paramount headman, Bamiya Champia, and Randae Kimbo's close relative, mourns her death.
The corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, is placed in a wooden coffin in the grave, with a few token coins for her in the land of the ancestors. Her daughter mourns beside the grave.
The corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, is placed in a wooden coffin in the grave, with a few token coins for her in the land of the ancestors. Her daughter mourns beside the grave.
Bamiya Champia and his second wife, Menjo, and her daughter Chipiri, mourn the death of their great grandfather’s great granddaughter, Randae Kimbo, née Champia, as her corpse is placed in the grave.
Bamiya Champia and his second wife, Menjo, and her daughter Chipiri, mourn the death of their great grandfather’s great granddaughter, Randae Kimbo, née Champia, as her corpse is placed in the grave.
Boards have been placed over the corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, and the grave is filled with soil.
Boards have been placed over the corpse of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, and the grave is filled with soil.
Mourners crowd around the grave of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, as it is finally filled in.
Mourners crowd around the grave of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, as it is finally filled in.
The close relatives of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, mourn during her burial.
The close relatives of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, mourn during her burial.
A close relative of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, mourns during her burial.
A close relative of Randae Kimbo, née Champia, mourns during her burial.

Funerals, death, cremations, mourning

About 20 emotive images of death, cremation, burial ceremonies, and the mourning relatives. They show many ritual details, exploring the Ho people’s understanding of death and the afterlife.

Go Back